Sri Lankans have now held a general election, voted, elected their representatives and elected a government. Accordingly, it seems that it is the will of the people to remain under the control of the Rajapaksa family. The overwhelming victory of the people in the election was to be expected not only by any moderate but also by the Rajapaksa family and it is no different that the Rajapaksa family, including the two brothers, will decide the future of the country.
While this was not unexpected, their Mahinda-led Sri Lanka People’s Front (SLPP) won 145 seats, 15 more than they had predicted. This was 59.09 votes. Six are joined by three minor allies, and the SLPP coalition is 151 members, two-thirds of the 225 members. He was the runner-up to the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) led by Sajith Premadasa, son of the late UNP Deputy Leader and late President Ranasinghe Premadasa. It won 54 seats and 23.9 percent of the vote. The TNA then won 10 seats, but only 2.82 percent of the vote. It followed because the National People’s Alliance, led by the Marxist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), and other parties could only count their seats in single digits.
As the title of an article by Dr. Dayan Jayatilleke, a former diplomat, stated, it was a “battle to break up.” The break-up of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the United National Party (UNP), which had dominated national politics from the earliest days of independence, created the People’s Alliance and the Samagi Jana Balawewa. Mahinda’s defeat in 2015 led to the formation of the Rajapaksa Family Party in the absence of the Sri Lanka People’s Front or the Pohottu Party.
The 74-year-old United National Party (UNP), which until then had been holding on to its earlobes, seems to be confined to the orphanage on Fifth Lane in Cinnamon Gardens, with Sajith Premadasa still missing his earring after his secession. The UNP dropped from 106 seats to one on the national list, losing its traditional vote base in Colombo. Ranil Wickremesinghe’s loss of contact with traditional supporters and his failure to recognize the political landscape of the territory was the cause of much of the political devastation caused by the unrest within the party.
Although the return of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa was not a positive victory, there was no alternative for the local electorate who were not mature enough to move towards a revolutionary alternative.
Two major events that took place during the period of good governance following the end of Rajapakse’s corrupt rule of two days, one month and nine years between 2005 and 2015 were the culmination of current politics. These were the events that led to the failure of a full investigation into Wickremesinghe’s involvement in two Central Bank bond frauds and the horrific Easter Sunday bombing by suicide bombers. Although the government received prior information about the Easter attack that killed 259 people, it did not take appropriate action, narrowing the voter choice.
With a two-thirds majority in parliament, the Rajapaksa brothers will be able to break free from the 19th Amendment, which was enacted by the previous government to suppress presidential powers. Rajapaksa will also withdraw the 13th amendment to the constitution to give more power to the Tamil people to establish provincial councils. It came as a result of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987 and was able to meet the aspirations of the minority through partial implementation.
It seems that Gotabhaya’s ambition is to build a strong United States. His will to draft a new constitution for this purpose is manifest and possible. But it may not be an easy exercise, as it raises the issue of long-standing minority unrest and Sinhala chauvinism. It would be more prudent to build a consensus to draft a constitution that is acceptable to all sectors. But can Gotabhaya face this difficult challenge?
The President has appointed 25 Cabinet Ministers, 39 State Ministers and 25 Chairmen of District Coordinating Committees. Accordingly, 64 members of the 150-member ruling coalition (excluding the Speaker) will serve as ministers. According to a media report, 40 state ministerial posts have been gazetted but only 39 state ministers have been sworn in. Wijayadasa Rajapaksa, who has been nominated as one of the four Deputy Ministers of Education, has refused to accept the appointment as he wants a cabinet post. mail. There are reports that there is some dissatisfaction among other senior members with regard to being ignored for a cabinet post.
Five members of the Rajapaksa family are now in power – the president, the prime minister, cabinet ministers and state ministers. They control security, finance, internal security, the home and at least the Buddha Sasana and religious affairs. Security is under President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and his brother Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa manages the finances while his elder brother Chamal is the Minister of Irrigation. Two Rajapaksas belong to the third generation – PM Rajapaksa’s son Namal and his cousin Shashindra. The inclusion of MP Namal Krida for the second time as a cabinet minister in sports and youth affairs is seen as a training for the Mahinda heir. Shashindra, son of Chamal, the elder brother of the Rajapaksa brothers, is the Minister of State for a “Grocery List” – Paddy and Cereals, Organic Foods, Vegetables, Fruits, Chilies, Onions and Potatoes and Seed Production and Top Agriculture! Other state ministers have similar responsibilities in detail, which shows an unprecedented perfection. But it shows the President’s serious intention to use the new generation of politicians as state ministers to focus on agriculture, education and small business development.
Fourteen members of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, including Sirisena, have been elected. By removing Sirisena from power, the Rajapaksas seem to have marginalized the SLFP in the alliance. The SLFP has been given only two cabinet posts and three state ministers. In contrast, four of the eight members elected by President Rajapakse’s “path” professionals have been made state ministers. This group acted as infantrymen during Rajapakse’s presidential election and politicians look at them with some trepidation.
The Rajapakse family’s dissatisfaction with the rise of power in their clan is evident in the marginalization of the old war horses of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the Sri Lanka People’s Alliance. How the president manages the competitive priorities of the family and the party can become a litmus test of his leadership ability.
On the other hand, it should be noted that the appointment of Dr. Ali Sabri, a member of the National List, to the post of Minister of Justice, despite the protests of Sinhala Buddhists, was a revolutionary decision, regardless of Gotabhaya’s motive behind it. It will surely bring some relief to the declining Muslim minority representation in parliament.
The biggest and immediate challenge facing the president is managing the economy devastated by Kovid-19. Although Sri Lanka has managed to control the Kovid, its impact on exports and imports has been devastating. The country is facing a serious financial crisis and will have to rely on aid from India and China.
President Rajapaksa’s vision statement is an excerpt from the policy statement of the Sri Lanka People’s Front, ‘Prosperity and Amazing Vision’. Its vision for a prosperous nation aims at a productive citizen, a happy family, a disciplined society and a prosperous nation. Giving priority to national security among its core policies; Friendly, non-aligned, foreign policy; Corruption-free administration; A society that is disciplined, law abiding and value based. Will the President be able to fulfill these promises, at least in part? සිරිසේන .Sirisena failed because he could not get rid of his personal political priorities.
Sinhala Buddhist symbols were used to the fullest for the swearing in of the Prime Minister and his ministers. Reminiscent of Sinhala statehood, it is very similar to the swearing in of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. The swearing in took place in front of a pillar erected to commemorate Dutu Gemunu, the Sinhala king who defeated the Tamil king Elara in Sinhala history. Mahinda Rajapaksa was sworn in as Prime Minister on August 9 at the Kelaniya Buddhist Temple near the capital. According to Buddhist mythology, Sinhala and Sinhala Buddhists believe that the Buddha once visited there. The place chosen for the swearing in of cabinet ministers and state ministers was equally important. The wedding hall, the hall of the Temple of the Tooth, the Tooth Relic are the sacred Buddhist symbols of the country.